Peace can only be achieved through excessive acts of seemingly mindless violence. Who do bullies pick on in the playground?
Iraqi forces pose for a picture with an upside down Islamic State flag in Mosul on July 8. Who will fill the spaces from which the jihadi group is driven?
There is a clear effort by the new Iran-Hezbollah-Shiite militia-Russia coalition to reply: Such a development would cement an anti-American coalition in place, threaten Jordan and Israel, and leave Iran the dominant power in much of the region.
The conflict in Syria has destroyed any possibility of an easy formula for putting that country back together, but in the medium term, one can envision a discussion with Russia of how our interests and theirs can be accommodated while bringing the violence down to a level that allows many refugees to return home.
But that discussion will achieve nothing unless American power first gains Russian respect and the Russians come to realize that compromise is necessary. So the second question is: How do we proceed against Sunni jihadis who continue to plot against the United States? It should be clear that Shiite domination of the region will help fuel these Sunni groups and assist in their recruiting at home and in distant Sunni lands.
And the perception of American acquiescence or complicity in that domination will help make the United States a larger target. All of this leads to an unwelcome conclusion — unwelcome surely in the White House and to many Americans.
The defeat of the Islamic State will not end our involvement in Middle East conflicts and may in fact lead it to increase. There will be no repeat of the Iraq wars, with vast American armies on the ground, but there will need to be a long continuation of the sort of commitment we see today: Almost from the start, their gaze was fixed on the wars after the war against the Islamic State.
For Turkey, what mattered was the fight against Kurds, and for Kurds a self-determination struggle; for Saudi Arabia and Iran, their regional contest took priority; within the Sunni Arab world, competition between the more Islamist Qatar and Turkey and the less so Egypt and the United Arab Emirates was viewed as existential; among Iraqis, a sectarian and ethnic race for post-conflict spoils had pride of place.
The counter-Islamic State campaign always served as an imperfect cover for regional conflicts and contradictions.
With the Islamic State increasingly in the rearview mirror, these will be laid bare. It will also face its own familiar dilemma: How deeply should it get involved? Allies will plead for it to leap into the fray.
There is evidence already.
Saudi Arabia and the UAE presented their war in Yemen as pushback against Tehran and their attempt to bring Qatar to heel as an anti-Iranian and anti-terrorist gambit. Egypt masquerades its indiscriminate intolerance of all Islamists as a holy battle against terrorism.
They know their target audience. They play to it. The Trump administration will be tempted to take sides and take the plunge, but it would be a losing bet.
It is to de-escalate proxy wars, broker a Saudi-Qatari deal, press for an end to the Yemen war, stick to a measured stance toward political Islam, and lower tensions between Saudi Arabia and Iran — indeed, for that matter, between the United States and Iran. But if they truly yearn for leadership, better to lead them where the United States believes they should go than where, stubbornly and recklessly, they already are headed.
Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri in Many suggest it could usher in a radical transformation: Yet neither of them has begun to pan out — and there are reasons for remaining skeptical of both.
The first of these predictions relies on the assumption that al Qaeda is strong, resilient, and guided by a prudent strategy of winning over populations and subverting local conflicts to its own ends. But how accurate is this picture, really?
To be sure, al Qaeda still exerts some control over a network of affiliates from North Africa to India. When the Nusra Front cut ties with the mother organization back in Julyto many it seemed a ruse.
None of this speaks to a brilliant long-term strategy.Register to Vote! Register to vote online with The League Of Women Voters Voter Registration. Allow The League Of Women Voters to take you through a simple step-by-step process to become a registered voter or change your voter registration.
by Frank J.
(originally written August 15th, ) View blog reactions "Gotta nuke something." th century philosopher Nelson Muntz. World peace cannot be achieved by sitting around on our duffs singing hippy songs to the moon. Peace can only be achieved through excessive acts of seemingly mindless violence.
Iraq is using all the political, economic, and military tools at its disposal in its effort to defeat al Qaeda. The evidence itself is confusing and somewhat misleading. As we look on the invasion many Americans were very enthusiastic about going to war with Iraq. However, we’re not trying to think about why we were not there or trying to justify other than speculate the following reasons. Despite the fact that, as Shakespeare said, "the pen is mightier than the sword," the pen itself is not enough to make an effective writer. In fact, though we may all like to think of ourselves as the next Shakespeare, inspiration alone is not the key to effective essay writing.
A collection of articles about Reporting from The New Yorker, including news, in-depth reporting, commentary, and analysis. THE TOWER OF BABEL AND THE CONFUSION OF LANGUAGES. by Lambert Dolphin. The building of the Tower of Babel and the Confusion of Tongues (languages) in ancient Babylon is mentioned rather briefly in Genesis Chapters 10 and The American Empire.
By Wade Frazier. Revised July Purpose and Disclaimer. Timeline. Introduction. The New World Before “Discovery,” and the First Contacts. Our website is the source for the latest security and strategic research from the military's link to the academic community.
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